Kurdistan, the Turkish blowback
The colonisation of Northern Syria is an old Israeli project linked to the development of missile weaponry. The agenda is for the creation of an independent state in the north of the country in order to control Syria from behind, just as Israel had created the state of Southern Sudan in 2011, to control Egypt from behind. This Israeli project was taken up again by France and gave rise to a secret treaty called the Juppé-Davutoğlu Treaty in 2011. Hollande envisaged the creation of a “Kurdistan” outside historic Kurdish territories and organised a secret interview at the Elysée with Erdoğan and the “co-president” of the Syrian Kurds, Salih Muslim, to whom he promised the Presidency for a new proxy/puppet state. This betrayed the Turkish Kurds and their leader Abdullah Öcalan. However, at the start of 2015, the other “co-president” of the Syria Kurds Asya Abdullah won a victory at the battle of Kobane over ISIS, thanks to provision of US air support, as a result being eulogised by the Septics. She was an Öcalan loyalist.
Their victory over the jihadists was to shake up the political chessboard – anyone who really wanted to fight the jihadists had to ally themselves with the Kurds. However, the Syrian Kurds only obtained their nationality at the beginning of the war – until then, they had been Turkish political refugees in Syria, chased from their country during the repression of the 1980s. At that time, the member states of NATO considered the PKK, the main Kurdish formation in Turkey, as a terrorist organisation. But from then on, they would distinguish between the ’bad’ Turkish PKK and the ’good’ Syrian YPG, despite the fact that these two organisations are closely related.
Hollande, true to form, reneged on his deal with Erdoğan, switched sides and received Asya Abdullah on 8th February 2015. The Kurds defeating (with US support) ISIS at Kobane was also the grand play of the Kurdish card, the backup plan to divide and conquer Syria.
At the end of September 2015, Russia began its military operation against jihadists of all stripes, and Erdoğan was compelled to watch the progressive failure of his project. He therefore ordered Salih Muslim to launch an operation for the forced Kurdisation of Northern Syria. The Kurdish brigades expelled the Arab and Assyrian teachers from their schools and replaced them with Kurdish teachers. The Syrians revolted, reached out to the Russians, who found a way to calm the situation, not without evoking a possible ulterior federalisation of Syria. There was no reaction from France.
Kurdish independence being anathema to Turkey, this move provoked Erdoğan’s fury and he responded. On the 13th November, Turkey, exasperated by Hollande’s about-turns, took France hostage and ordered the attacks in Paris, causing 130 dead and 413 wounded at the Bataclan theatre. Hostages were tortured, mutilated, others were decapitated. Shamefaced again, Hollande forbid the publication of the information, which was regardless of Hollande’s stance, was confirmed by police agents before a parliamentary commission. Patrick Calvar, the Central Director for Counter Espionage, attested for the commission, his services had identified the state which gave the order for the attack.
True to form, Hollande ducked his responsibilities again, organised a few weepy ceremonies of commemoration, and persuaded his compatriots that terrorism was an inevitable epidemic. He then went into nuclear-woke mode and inaugurated a medal for the “national recognition for the victims of terrorism”, and paid compensations for “prejudice of the anxiety of immediate death” and even the “prejudice of waiting”. He took no action against Turkey.
Unlike Hollande, Erdoğan never hid his responsibility giving a resounding speech during the ceremonies celebrating the 101st anniversary of the Dardanelles, just four days before the attack in Belgium. He accused the Europeans of supporting the PKK and even announced what was about to happen in Brussels. Erdoğan kept his promise, to make sure his message was clear, this time in Belgium airport, at Brussels-Zaventem, in front of the HQ of the European Commission, at the exact sport where the PKK had just demonstrated. Thirty-two people were killed and 260 injured. The day after the attack, Turkish lamestream groups of Erdoğan’s AKP party proclaimed Europeans got no more than they deserved.
At the end of 2015, Hollande sent his PM, who likes travel and other free things, Manual Valls to collect some money from Saudi Arabia. There was the usual waffle of US$3 billion in orders for the Lebanese Army and US$10 billion of other assorted contracts. However, the Saudis were annoyed about the Iranian nuclear programme (which France promised to sabotage) and did not appreciate Paris’ hesitations over Syria. Having revealed themselves as costly, inefficient vassals, there were not contracts, nor any freebie gifts. Post his time with Hollande, Manual Valls liking his travel, became a councillor in Barcelona between 15th June 2019 – 31st August 2021.
In January 2016, Hollande appointed Laurent Fabius as President of the Constitutional Council and sent him to Iran. The Iranians received him much more noisily after the signing of the 5+1 nuclear agreement. As usual Fabius, using his political position as a smokescreen was hoping to establish firm business contacts in Iran, despite the fact he had for years attempted to sabotage the agreement, and had confessed, during dinner, he had been spying for Israel, to whom he transmitted accounts of then ongoing negotiations. In Tehran, he was received with formal honours due to his political rank, while “revolutionary supporters” demonstrated on every journey he made from the airport right up to his departure. Banners were displayed reminding him of his responsibility in the death of over 2,000 haemophiliacs in 1985-86, as well as his support for al-Qaeda which was “doing a good job”, killing tens of thousands of Syrians. He didn’t last long on his return to Paris, resigning one month after his appointment. Hollande, again caught between House of Saville repeats and his own revolving door, replaced Fabius by regurgitating Jean-Marc Ayrault in the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs. Ayrault decided to concentrate on the widening gap between France and Germany. In doing so, he sacrificed the Syrian docket, and after a couple of weeks hesitating, he followed the same path as Juppé and Fabius.
Backed into a corner of his own making, Hollande took personal “control” (or lack of) himself. Shortly thereafter, there were unvalidated reports about a jihadist breakthrough, and claiming the Syrian Government controlled no more than 20% of the country, and would soon fall. The reality is, two-thirds of Syria is desert which no one has ever controlled. Al-Assad had made the choice of defending his population rather than territory. At least 8 million Syrians fled from the jihadists and sought refuge in government-held towns. No one had ever heard, not provided proof of refugees fleeing into jihadist zones. This poses the question where did the EU/UK get Syrian refugees from?
Hollande went into a tailspin, and having lost control, when he was told French Senators were visiting Damascus Jérôme Lambert, Christian Hutin, François Zochetto and Gérard Bapt. All were received by al-Assad with the exception of Gérard Bapt. All of them had come for personal business reasons, although Bapt had an additional agenda.
Bapt represented the La Grande Loge de l’Alliance Maçonnique Française (GLAMF), which is headed by Prince Edward, Duke of Kent. GLAMF is breakaway group from The Grande Loge Nationale Française (GLNF), created on behalf of the British by Alain Juillet (ex-Head of Economic Intelligence for the General Secretariat of Defence).
Bapt met with businessmen and promised that, in return for cash bribes, he would have them removed from the European sanctions list. Without saying, he had no such power on the matter. His business partner with him (another crook), Jérôme Toussaint who is currently held in prison in France for tax fraud and money laundering. Hollande, deprived of real ground information since closing the embassy, incapable of analysing the origins of events, but always seeking to pretend he had initiated them, neither he, nor France had not foreseen what happened next.
The Russian Intervention
Hollande was stupefied when he learned of Russian military deployment in Syria in September 2015. He never imagined this, although Russia and Syria had been preparing this for three years. France (Hollande) was even more surprised in August 2016, when Russia installed another base, this time in Iran, which had been in preparation for a year.
Russia deployed a range of new weapons and used the battlefield to promote its defence industry. In the space of a couple of months, all the jihadist fortifications and bunkers built by Lafarge Group were all destroyed. Hollande, as was always the case, did not immediately understand what was happening, particularly since Washington was in no hurry to brief him in. Russia had installed a system in Latakia which inhibited NATO commands and controls, rendering the coalition blind and deaf up to a range of 300 km. In addition, when NATO aircraft crossed the zone, they were unable to activate their weapons. In order to reinforce the efficiency of this new type of electronic warfare, Russia also carried out tests, trespassing on Lebanese and Cypriot territory (including the British military base in Akrotiri), and then again over Iraq. The same system was deployed in Crimea and Kaliningrad.
De facto, Russia had become the world’s major conventional military power, overtaking the US, as the Supreme Commander of NATO recognised, “Russian presence and its equipment in Syria on the southern flank of NATO has fundamentally changed the ‘strategic balance of power’ in the region, which currently we cannot counter”.
Hollande withdrew behind the Juppé-Davutoğlu treaty while participating in the [US] international coalition against Daesh. The coalition published triumphant communiques about its bombing of jihadists. However at ground level, it was confirmed it was not fighting Daesh, but dropping them weapons and ammunition. Meanwhile the Syrian Government, in view of future reparations, addressed to the UN the lists of oil and gas installations that the coalition destroyed.
Le Grand Fromage saw the writing in capital letters on his plate, he had been reduced to a side plate that not everyone wanted and decided not to stand for re-election. His (and those that preceded him) showed a complete absence of cohesion in French politics. This was further exploited during his tenure helping expedite his short-termism. On 27 September 2015, ex-President Valery Giscard d’Estaing (right-wing politician who died of Convid complications in 2020), in offering his support to his ‘left-wing’ successor declared, “I wonder about the possibility of creating a UN mandate for Syria for a period of five years” – his attempt at reintroducing the mandate exercised by France, from 1920-1946 with approval of the League of Nations. The mandate was a politically correct expression for the colonisation of Syria as it had been planned during WWI by Sir Mark Sykes, François Georges Picot and Sergei Sazonov (the Sykes-Picot agreement). There’s no coincidence that Valery Giscard d’Estaing is a third cousin of François Georges Picot.
Having become the most unpopular French President with an all-time low popularity and support of 4%, on 1st December Le Grande Fromage announced he would not stand for re-election.
France being France, having gone from Agent Sarkozy, to Le Grand Fromage, next in line happened to be the new Head of Chutney Ferret Appreciation Society.
© AW Kamau 2023